Showing posts with label 2014. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 2014. Show all posts

Thursday, November 19, 2015

'All lose, lose all' risk if political provocateurs win

The Straits Times Online
Published Jun 12, 2014, 6:15 am SGT

By Devadas Krishnadas

The People's Action Party (PAP) has made a sustained effort since the 2011 general election to engage with the ground, update its policies and increase its investments in social issues. It has also appointed new political leaders and publicly introduced potential election candidates.

Such moves are implicit signals of a "New PAP" - one that is concerned about social and not just economic issues, one unembarrassed to provide Singaporeans with social spending and one which wants not to be seen as elitist.

Yet, there is considerable cognitive dissonance between what the PAP views as the "New PAP" and the public perception of the same.

First, with public sentiment shifting towards emotive nationalism, political leaders still come across as objective technocrats rather than patriots. Singaporeans want to hear, see and feel that political leaders recognise that leading Singapore means taking care of the interests of Singaporeans.

Second, the moves to govern the social media and artistic spaces through rule changes by the Media Development Authority give the public the impression that the PAP rule is still characterised by information control and censorship. Political leaders may have to choose their battles more wisely.

In such issues, it is impossible to separate policy from politics and the latter will define any discourse. Interventions therefore become the issue rather than the subject they address.

Third, the use of the defamation law, however justified, is politically outdated as a mechanism for political leaders to safeguard their reputations. They should perhaps let their record be their reputation and trust that reasonable Singaporeans will be able to judge fact from any malignity.

Taken together, the public perception is that while the PAP has done new things, this is but new wine in an old bottle.

To prove the case that the PAP has transformed from within, it will have to show more empathy, display less of a need to control and have greater faith in the good sense of the people.

As Singapore enters the second half of the current term of government, there is a sense that we are also entering the final lap of the political race to the next election. Policy adjustments have now spanned all the main areas. In parliament, the Prime Minister has started the countdown to the next general election with a combative stance towards the opposition on constructive politics.

While many real policy changes have resulted since the last election, it is an uncomfortable truth that many real political changes remain to be realised.

The upshot of complicated policies and the muddied perception of the "New PAP" is that public discourse is in danger of being captured by critics at the margin who fall into three categories.

One category is the utterly ignorant who have not bothered to educate themselves on the facts or who are poorly equipped to understand the policy system and hence resort to erroneous simplifications or totally false analysis.

Another category is those with a political axe to grind. These individuals cast every policy into an alleged wide web of conspiracy of government against the interest of the people.

What we are now beginning to see is the conflation of the two categories into a new collection of political provocateurs bound together solely to attack the PAP by creating as much doubt, distrust, cynicism and anxiety as possible in the citizenry. They offer many criticisms, few facts and no solutions. It would appear that baiting the Government to take counter-action is the best way to get public sympathy, if not legitimacy; and shrill suggestions that Singapore is facing a "doomsday" scenario the best way to play up fear in our future. This is neither helpful nor healthy for the public discourse on important issues which concern every citizen.

Citizens need and deserve facts, intelligent analysis and rational arguments, not vitriol and demagogy disguised as patriotism and martyrdom. The noise created by these critics at the margin sucks the oxygen away from more rational and balanced critiques of policy and national direction.

The real struggle is not between the opposition or this new collection of political provocateurs and the PAP.

The real struggle is about whether Singaporeans will allow themselves to go down a seductive and slippery slope of anxiety, despair, fear and anger about our future or whether Singaporeans will choose to have faith in themselves and what they already have and can achieve by working together, staying rational and committing to being invested in the Singapore project. The former road needs only the suspension of objectivity, giving in to emotional and irrational, even if human, fears and conspiracies and a relinquishing of personal responsibility to play an individual role in making our collective future.

The latter road is a harder road which requires hard work to be informed, staying positive and a willingness to participate and endure a process of public debate of policies based on facts, good ideas and an ability to make tough trade-offs. In short, we need good politics to get the good policies.

For the PAP, this means not only better communication but also greater transparency and willingness to tolerate - better still, engage - in meaningful debate.

For the opposition, this means stepping up their game to offer effective alternative ideas, not to just be an alternative. It also means not free riding on the antics of extremist political provocateurs. They should also take a stand.

For Singaporeans, it means focusing on the issues and engaging with their Members of Parliament regardless of political stripe, to push forward their concerns and ideas. Most importantly, there must be, and Singaporeans should insist upon, the recognition by the PAP and the opposition that both have a responsibility to ensure that Singaporeans take the harder road regardless of who gets, or loses, political points.

Because if they do not, and we slip down the murkier and more sinister path laid out by the provocateurs, then we all lose and we could lose all. That is the real doomsday scenario.

stopinion@sph.com.sg

This is an edited version of a longer post on the writer's Facebook page. He is the chief executive officer of Future-Moves Group, a strategic risk consultancy and executive education provider based in Singapore.

Sources:

The Straits Times Online - 'All lose, lose all' risk if political provocateurs win
http://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/all-lose-lose-all-risk-if-political-provocateurs-win

Fabrications Led by Opposition Parties (FLOP)

Wednesday, October 14, 2015

Police question blogger Han Hui Hui over Hong Lim Park protest that disrupted charity carnival

HHH & her loony friends claimed she suffered police ill-treatment and intimidation.


Danson Cheong, ST , Published Oct 11, 2014, 11:38 pm SGT

SINGAPORE - Local blogger Han Hui Hui was questioned by police for seven hours on Friday over a protest she organised at Hong Lim Park that disrupted a charity carnival last month, the police confirmed on Saturday.

But they denied online reports that officers turned up at her house at midnight the night before, or that she was not allowed to eat during her interview.

In a statement on Saturday night, a police spokesman said Ms Han is among "several persons" involved in the incident who are currently assisting them in investigations. The probe has been ongoing since a police report was lodged on Sep 27, the day the protest was held.

Ms Han, a 22-year-old blogger and activist, had led several hundred people into another part of Hong Lim Park where a YMCA charity carnival was being held, frightening some special needs children who were performing on stage.

The police spokesman said officers visited Ms Han's home on Thursday at about 9.30pm to inform her of the interview "after she did not answer... telephone calls".

Since Ms Han was not home, the notice of her interview appointment at the Central Police Division in Cantonment was handed to a family member, the spokesman added.

Ms Han subsequently called the division at 11pm the same night to reschedule her appointment to 8pm on Friday. But at 1.45pm on Friday, she called the division again to say she would show up soon.

"She subsequently turned up at about 2.30pm and arrangements were made to accommodate her schedule," the spokesman said. The interview ended at about 9.30pm.

"During the interview, Ms Han was provided with refreshments. She took several breaks but she declined an offer to take a break for dinner," the spokesman added.

The police were responding to media queries after online reports surfaced that Ms Han had been visited at her home by police officers at midnight on Thursday.

The reports quoted Ms Han as saying she had arrived at the police station at 2pm but was made to wait for half an hour before being questioned until 10pm. They added that she was not given any food and was prevented from leaving for dinner.

In addition, the reports said a notebook Ms Han was using to take down notes was taken away, and that she was not allowed to call her lawyer M. Ravi.


+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Sources

ST Online: Police question blogger Han Hui Hui over Hong Lim Park protest that disrupted charity carnival


Image: Fabrications Led by Opposition Parties (FLOP)



Additional Note

Han Hui Hui, 24, GE2015 Independent candidate for Radin Mas SMC
Received 10.04% votes – deposit forfeited, vs RP & PAP


Related Links

14minute video of NParks and Police Officers approaching ReturnMyCPF Protestors


17-minute, uncut video shows Roy Ngerng & ReturnMyCPF protesters encroaching on YMCA’s venue


Photo gallery of the Protest


The Sunday Times (Print copy): Chaos at Hong Lim park charity carnival http://www.gov.sg/~/media/gov/files/media/20140928-st-chaos_at_hong_lim_park_charity_carnival0f1c.pdf



Monday, September 28, 2015

[Defending the Lion City] Singapore’s Smart Army


Author: Michael Raska, RSIS,   1 May 2014

Since its inception as a small city-state, Singapore has grappled with insecurity and strategic uncertainty. Traditionally, small states have experienced considerable limitations in balancing their security needs and strategic ambitions with policies directed at maintaining economic growth and social stability.

These challenges have become even more acute within the context of East Asia’s changing and progressively complex security environment. East Asia’s strategic template is shifting toward a mix of asymmetric anti-access/area-denial threats, low-high intensity conventional conflicts, and a range of non-traditional security challenges. Accordingly, Singapore must devise an adaptive defence posture that takes into account factors such as its lack of strategic depth, resource limitations, changing strategic priorities, as well as external factors, such as increasing geostrategic competition between great powers in the region.

Unfortunately, the range of policy options available to small states seeking to overcome their external as well as internal geostrategic limitations is not particularly wide.

Small states have often sought to offset their geostrategic vulnerabilities by strengthening their alliances with great powers — a form of external balancing, in which a great power defends the interests of a small state and ensures at least partial extended deterrence. The downside of this route is that it potentially leads to costly diplomatic attachments and long-term policy constraints. Accordingly in Singapore’s case, external balancing has served as a hedging strategy, allowing Singapore to view both China and the US as potentially useful strategic partners, but not allies.

Alternatively, other small states have pursued military self-reliance by maximising their internal resources. However, the potential payoffs from internal balancing are limited. Small states, especially those seeking to counterbalance their ‘smallness’ by increasing levels of military expenditure and production, invariably find that the ancillary economic and social costs associated with pursuing self-reliance are high, if not crippling.

Other foreign policy postures pursued by small states include ‘defensive isolation’, neutrality, and adaptation measures like ‘non-offensive defence’. These notwithstanding, the prevailing structure of the anarchic international system of self-help has traditionally forced most small states to adopt a defensive posture based on a mix of both external and internal balancing.

The magnitude, intensity, and impact of ‘mixed’ balancing depends on a number of factors such as the level of the small state’s economic and social development, its geographical proximity to conflict, the cohesion of its population, and, perhaps most importantly of all, its relationship with and importance to great powers.

However, small states are not necessarily weak states.

Singapore is often viewed as a small country. This is certainly the case when it is compared to its neighbours: Indonesia, for instance, has a huge archipelago and a population of 246 million, compared to Singapore’s 5.5 million. Yet Singapore’s 2013 defence budget of $12 billion is considerably larger than Indonesia’s budget of $7.9 billion. In international relations, it is the relative strength of a state which matters, rather than its size.

Singapore’s traditional security paradigm has historically been based on deterrence, and swift and decisive victory if deterrence fails. Technology plays a large part in Singapore’s security apparatus. Singapore views the integration of advanced military technologies as a primary force multiplier that is capable of providing it with an edge when it comes to coping with both existing and future threats.

But technology is only a part of Singapore’s deterrence strategy. Its deterrent posture is not exclusively military-strategic posture, but involves defence diplomacy with select strategic partners.

Singapore’s military management capacity when it comes to planning, organising, leading, and controlling armed forces and their supporting systems to adopt particular innovations has been equally important.

Accordingly, Singapore has sought to build a relatively advanced, reliable and cost-effective industrial base capable of developing and integrating selective defence technologies, niche products and services. These measures, together with the combat proficiency and training of the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF), have enabled Singapore’s military to pursue innovation at the operational level over the past decade.

Indeed, with Singapore’s ongoing military modernisation drive, SAF aims to become a ‘smart’ or networked army capable of a range of operations in peacetime, as well as wartime. This is under the conceptual umbrella of ‘3G or third generation military transformation’ that began in 2004. By 2030, the SAF envisions the integration of unmanned precision, early warning, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance systems. Most importantly, the SAF looks to achieve an unprecedented degree of interoperability between its army, navy, and air force platforms.

This continuity and change in Singapore’s defence strategy are directed at addressing the growing complexity of East Asian security dilemmas, particularly with respect to the deepening territorial disputes and potential crises over islands in the South China Sea and East China Sea. The convergence of these security threats, along with the growing adoption of advanced military platforms and technologies by Singapore’s neighbours, increases the SAF’s operational requirements. The SAF will have to strike a balance between preserving tried and tested strategies and structures with finding innovative operational concepts and organisational structures in preparation for multi-level conflicts. The key dilemma facing Singaporean defence planners is the question how to build a force and doctrine capable of dealing simultaneously with current security threats, while anticipating future challenges.

Michael Raska is Research Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.